Knut Wicksell: Some Aspects of his Work

This post is different from the others because it deals with the contributions of a single economist. Knut Wicksell was a Swedish economist who made significant contributions to capital theory, monetary economics and fiscal policy. Despite being grouped under the neoclassical or the Austrian school because of his affinities to ‘marginal’ analyst, Wicksell was a socialist and a radical. He advocated policies which involved the government in a big way. And owing to his varied interests in poetry, mathematics, feminism, mathematics, politics, etc he became a Professor of Economics and Fiscal Law at Lund University only when he was fifty. A few of his well known students are Erik Lindahl, Gunnar Myrdal and Bertil Ohlin. They are considered to be part of Stockholm or Swedish school of economic thought.

In the passages below, only a few of his contributions will be elaborated. He has also made lasting contributions to the theory of interest, revitalised quantity theory of money, introduced mechanisms linking the real and monetary sector, etc.

Wicksell demonstrated that problems could arise if capital is treated just like other ‘factors of production’ ‘ land and labour. Cambridge capital controversies dealt with many of these problems. ‘Knut Wicksell (1851’1926) himself casts doubt on the specification of the value of capital, along with the physical quantities of labour and land, as part of the data of the system. ‘Capital’ is but a set of heterogeneous capital goods. Therefore, unlike labour and land, which ‘are measured each in terms of its own technical unit . . . capital . . . is reckoned . . . as a sum of exchange value’ (Wicksell, 1901, 1934, p. 49). But capital goods are themselves produced commodities and, as such, their ‘costs of production include capital and interest’; thus, ‘to derive the value of capital goods from their own cost of production or reproduction’ would imply ‘arguing in a circle’ (ibid., p. 149).’ [Segura and Braun 2004]

Like other contemporaries of his, Wicksell did not write about unemployment. This was because the existence of unemployment was considered to be a paradox, an anomaly for neoclassical economists. As they could not comprehend why resources (here, labour) would be left idle! The central problem in (neoclassical) economics was not to provide or create uses for factors, but only to allocate the factors among various uses. As Bo Sandelin, editor of Wicksell’s papers and the author of A History of Swedish Economic Thought writes in the introduction that ‘the fundamental question in economics was how to manage an economy with scarce resources.’ Strange indeed!

Wicksell was a strong proponent of the marginal productivity theory of distribution. A corollary of this theory is the the sum of all the marginal products of the factors should be equal to the total product, known as the product exhaustion theorem. However Wicksell demonstrated that the operation of this theory depends on the returns to the scale. That is, only under constant returns to scale will the marginal products exactly add up to the total product. And that for both decreasing returns and increasing returns, the product will not be completely exhausted.

The Swedish school made another important contribution to economic theory. They introduced the categories of ex ante and ex post. These categories, we know are used widely today and were the result of the School’s dissatisfaction with the equilibrium analysis. Apart from these ways of thinking, Myrdal has provided us with the concept of circular and cumulative causation as well. These categories provide us with alternative modes of conceptualising or thinking about economic problems.

Relying solely on textbooks reduces our extent of reach. We often fail to come across interesting and heterodox economists. But, history of economic thought provides us with ample personalities to look into. Wicksell is one among them. Also, some of their categories provide us with alternatives, which remain unfinished. For instance, after going through some of the secondary and primary works on/by Wicksell, he appears exceedingly interesting and aware of the implications of certain simplifying assumptions. He pointed out the ‘necessity’ of the constant returns to scale assumption, which economics faithfully aligned with for a considerable period. This was challenged within the mainstream only with the entry of the endogenous growth theories, which emphasised increasing returns.

References

Pressman, Steven (2004), Fifty Great Economists, Routledge: India.

Groenewegen, P and Vaggi, G (2006), A Concise History of Economic Thought: From Mercantilism to Monetarism, Palgrave Macmillan.

De Marchi, N and Blaug, M (1991), Appraising Economic Theories: Studies in the Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes, Edward Elgar.

Segura, J and Braun, C (2004), An Eponymous Dictionary of Economics: A Guide to Laws and Theorems Named After Economists, Edward Elgar.

Sraffa: Production as a Circular Process

This is the second in the series of posts on Sraffa. The objective of this post is to clarify the assumption of scarce resources made frequently in neoclassical economics. This is then contrasted with the notion of mass-production in capitalist economies. This facet of capitalism is understood by concepts such as ‘circular production’ and ‘production of commodities by means of commodities’ in Classical Economics.

A brief look at the history of micro and macroeconomics becomes essential. Elements of Marshall and Walras are found in modern microeconomics. Specifically, partial equilibrium analysis comes from Marshall; whereas, Walras contributed ‘general equilibrium analysis’ to economics. Usually, emergence of macroeconomics is considered to have originated with the work of Keynes. This has been contested and it has been shown with considerable evidence that William Petty (1623-1687) was the first macroeconomist. [See Murphy 2009] And that economists like Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Karl Marx were talking about macroeconomics when they discussed production, distribution and accumulation. Neoclassical macroeconomics can be loosely said to comprise New Classical Economics, Neo-Keynesian Economics, variants of Computable General Equilibrium Models (CGE), etc. One of the unifying features of the above mentioned neoclassical schools/models is the assumption of ‘scarce factors’. It is owing to the assumption that factors are scare, that optimization is carried out.

Lionel Robbins defined economics as ‘the science which studies human behaviour as the relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses.’ Here, scarce means refers to scarce factors of production ‘ land, labour and capital. Yes, land can be considered scarce in an economy where the pressure of population is high (or for environmental reasons). But, wouldn’t labour be scarce in some countries and abundant in others’ Now for the tricky ‘capital’. Capital is understood as produced means of production. That is, tools, machinery, plants, conveyor belts, electrical appliances, tractors, etc are ‘capital goods’. Are they scarce’ They would be scarce if nobody produced them. Usually, in a capitalist or quasi-capitalist economy, capital goods are produced by the private sector, the government and often, imported from abroad. Therefore, a priori, we have no reason to maintain that capital is a scarce factor. Or for that matter, even labour.

Marshall provided a theoretical partition through which one could say that factors are scarce. He introduced the concept of ‘short period analysis’. Till Marshall, the early classicals and neoclassicals analysed economies using the ‘long period method’. Through the short period, Marshall introduced an imaginary period wherein one factor is fixed (usually, capital) and the other factor (labour) is variable. In this period, it is as if one factor is scarce. In a later post, it will be shown that this sort of analysis is an improper generalisation of Ricardo’s theory of rent.

Sraffa’s Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities deals with ‘value and distribution’. That is, he focuses on the relationship between relative prices, wages/profits and technique of production. Throughout the whole analysis, output/quantity is treated as given. This is in tune with the ‘sequential analysis’ of classical economics. Value & distribution is one level of analysis or the ‘core’, as was popularised by Garegnani. Once, the foundation is well-established, the next level is growth & accumulation. In the first level, quantities are treated as given and in the second level, prices are assumed to be given. This is done keeping in view the complexity of the economic processes. Whereas, as we know, in neoclassical theory of general equilibrium, there is a simultaneous determination of quantity, price, wage rate, employment, rate of interest and quantity of capital. That is, all kinds of prices and quantities are simultaneously determined.

A set of equations from classical and neoclassical production theory is given below. This is so as to bring out the differences in a clear way.

Production function: Ya = f(La, Ka)

Sraffa’s equations:
(AaPa + BaPb + … + KaPk) (1 + r) + LaW = APa
(AbPa + BbPb + … + KbPk) (1 + r) + LbW = BPb
. . . . . .
(AkPa + BkPb + … + KkPk) (1 + r) + LkW = KPk

where A, B …. K are the output produced in various industries, L is the labour employed in each industry, Pa refers to price/value of output A and Pk refers to value of output K, r is the rate of profit. [As these are for purposes of illustration alone, some conditions have not been mentioned]

In the first case, it represents the transformation of inputs ‘ labour and capital into an output Y. Let me reproduce what Sraffa writes about his particular conception of production: ‘It is of course in Quesnay’s Tableau Economique that is found the original picture of the system of production and consumption as a circular process, and it stands in striking contrast to the view presented by modern theory, of a one-way avenue that leads for ‘Factors of production’ to ‘Consumption goods’.’ [Sraffa 1960, 93]

The concept of circular production also brings to the fore the web of connections between different production structures. Both classical and neoclassical economics attempts at reducing the complexity of economic phenomena. Neoclassical economics, at the outset abstracts away from interrelated production structures through the concept of ‘representative firm’ in microeconomics. In a similar way, in the area of consumption, man as a social being is reduced to man as an individual whose utility does not depend on that of others. Classical economics carries out its analysis by taking prices as given so as to analyse interrelated production structures.

References

Sraffa, P (1960), Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Murphy, A (2009), The Genesis of Macroeconomics: New Ideas from Sir William Petty to Henry Thornton, New York: Oxford University Press.

Budget 2010: An Analysis

The budget document considers the high growth rates India has achieved as a ‘gain’, which needs to be consolidated so that there can be ‘inclusive’ growth. Economics, during its course has divorced rate of growth of output (of commodities and services) from the question of employment. Hence, we need to use terms like ‘jobless growth’, ‘inclusive growth’ and so on. Unfortunately, a weak form of trickle down theory is assumed in most cases. Therefore, having a high growth rate becomes a necessary pre-requisite.

It is comforting to see that the need for good institutions have been emphasised in the document. As one of the challenges is ‘to address the weaknesses in government systems, structures and institutions at different levels of governance. ‘

Unorganised sector has been highlighted in the document. A National Social Security Fund has been established for workers in this sector. And the National Skill Development Corporation has approved three projects worth about Rs 45 crore to create 10 lakh skilled manpower at the rate of one lakh per annum targeting the unorganised sector. I guess the question is: do we impart skill to the workers or do we provide jobs according to their skill’

On the agricultural front, 5 more mega food parks are going to be set up as an impetus to the food processing sector. Under the Debt Waiver and Debt Relief Scheme for Farmers, the period of repayment has been extended owing to the drought. In order to step up agricultural production, around 60,000 ‘pulse and oil seeds villages’ are going to be set up. And the benefits of ‘green revolution’ are going to be increased by carrying out similar activities in the eastern region of India. The ‘benefits’ indeed!

Owing to the financial crisis, an apex level Financial Stability and Development Council will be set up with a view to strengthen and institutionalise the mechanism for maintaining financial stability. Alongside this, FDI flows will be liberalised more. It is interesting how new challenges/problems are brought about. Regulation is removed in a particular sector and regulation is increased in some sector. Overall, it seems to appear that ‘less regulation’ is considered efficient- right prices, no wastage of output and so on. Thanks to Neoclassical Economics.

Several projects are being set up to meet our energy demands and also to conserve our environment. Strengthening transparency and public accountability seems to be given adequate importance (in paper at least). In this context, an Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) chaired by the Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission to be set up to evaluate the impact of flagship programmes. More and more committees and commissions coming up!

On the whole, I think it is a more government’s budget than people’s or the corporates! However, their highlighting of the unorganised sector and the crucial role of institutions need to be congratulated.

What are the Contents of India's Economic Growth’

The above question was discussed by Bhabatosh Datta in 1977 in his book The Contents of Economic Growth and Other Essays. This blog post briefly revisits Datta’s article to see whether the current growth of India is on the right track. A few details about Datta is in order. For most of his life, he taught at Presidency College, Calcutta. He is an economist who has written on diverse aspects of the Indian economy – industrialisation, planning, regional rural banks, economic growth, monetary reforms, commercial banks, financial system and on Indian economic thought. And for this reason, his work is of utmost relevance to us- who want to understand the Indian economy.

On 29th December 2009, the Deputy Governor of RBI spoke about the ‘Current Macroeconomic Developments in India’. I reproduce some of her observations below:

India had a strong recovery in the second quarter of 2009-10 at 7.9 per cent. “The sequential recovery over the first quarter of 2009-10 was driven by notable turnaround in industrial output (9.0 per cent), and services sector (9.0 per cent), while agriculture sector also came to record a positive growth (0.9 per cent), despite drought like conditions and floods in some parts of the country.”

Which India had a strong recovery, when more than 60% of Indian population work in the agricultural sector’ As Datta writes, for India, economic growth takes place when there is “growth in employment and growth in incomes of large numbers.”

“On the whole, agricultural production during 2009-10 hinges critically on the performance of the North East monsoon and rabi production.”

“The recovery in industrial growth has been broad-based with acceleration in growth of all the three sectors, viz., mining, electricity and manufacturing .”

The consumer durables sector shows an impressive growth with 22.2 per cent in the second quarter of 2009-10.

Consumer durable showing strong growth, a recovery of industrial growth alongside a critical agricultural sector seems to suggest that Indian policy makers and economists seem pre-occupied with non-problems. As Datta lucidly points out: “it is possible that over a particular year there has been only a very small increase in agricultural and essential industrial production, while there has been a substantial rise in the output of luxury goods, high-income varieties of consumer goods and outdated capital goods.”

It is easy to forget that 8% or 9% rate of growth does not have a unique meaning. For, it might express many alternative states of affairs. I often wonder, what our objective should be as an economist in India! As I had argued elsewhere, it is time that we looked at the structure or the contents of economic growth carefully.